The Origin of the Family Private Property and the State Pdf

The Origin of the Family, Individual Property and the Land
OriginOfFamily-1884.jpg

Start edition (1884)

Author Friedrich Engels
Original title Der Ursprung der Familie, des Privateigenthums und des Staats
Language German language
Subjects Anthropology, sociology

Publication date

1884

Published in English

1902
Text The Origin of the Family unit, Private Belongings and the State at Wikisource

The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State: in the Low-cal of the Researches of Lewis H. Morgan (German: Der Ursprung der Familie, des Privateigenthums und des Staats) is an 1884 historical materialist treatise by Friedrich Engels. Information technology is partially based on notes past Karl Marx to Lewis H. Morgan'due south book Ancient Society (1877). The book is an early on anthropological work and is regarded every bit i of the first major works on family unit economics.

Publication history [edit]

Background [edit]

Following the death of his friend and co-thinker Karl Marx in 1883, Friedrich Engels served as his literary executor, actively organizing and preparing for publication of the diverse writings of his scholarly friend. This activity, while time consuming, did not fully occupy Engels's available hours, all the same, and he managed to persevere reading and writing on topics of his own.

While his 1883 manuscript Dialectics of Nature faltered, remaining uncompleted and unpublished, a greater success was achieved in the spring of 1884 with the writing and publication in Zurich of Der Ursprung der Familie, des Privateigenthums und des Staats: Im Anschluss an Lewis H. Morgan'due south Forschungen (The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the Land: in the Light of the Researches of Lewis H. Morgan).

Writing of The Origin of the Family began early in April 1884, with the project completed on 26 May.[1] Engels began his work on the subject after reading Marx'south handwritten synopsis of a volume past pioneering anthropologist Lewis H. Morgan, Ancient Society; or, Researches in the Lines of Homo Progress from Savagery, Through Barbarism to Civilization, first published in London in 1877.[2] Engels believed information technology clear that Marx had intended upon a disquisitional volume-length handling of the ideas start broached past Morgan and adamant to produce such a manuscript as a means of fulfilling a literary bidding of his late comrade.[two]

Engels was unflinching in acknowledging his motives, noting in the preface to the first edition that "Marx had reserved to himself the privilege of displaying the results of Morgan's investigations in connexion with his own materialist formulation of history", every bit the latter had "in a manner discovered anew" in America the theory originated past Marx decades before.[3]

Writing procedure [edit]

Engels's first inclination was to seek publication in Germany despite passage of the kickoff of the Anti-Socialist Laws by the government of Chancellor Otto von Bismarck. On April 26, 1884 Engels wrote a letter of the alphabet to his close political associate Karl Kautsky in which he noted that he sought to "play a play tricks on Bismarck" by writing something "that he would be positively unable to ban".[4] He felt this goal unrealizable attributable to Morgan's discussions of the nature of monogamy and the relationship betwixt private buying of holding and class struggle, however, these making information technology "absolutely incommunicable to burrow in such a way as to comply with the Anti-Socialist Law".[5]

Engels viewed Morgan's findings equally providing a "factual basis nosotros accept hitherto lacked" for a prehistory of contemporary class struggle.[v] He believed that information technology would be an important supplement to the theory of historical materialism for Morgan'southward ideas to be "thoroughly worked on, properly weighed up, and presented as a coherent whole".[5] This was to be the political intent backside his Origin of the Family unit project.

Work on the book was completed—with the exception of revisions upon the concluding chapter—on May 22, 1884, when the manuscript was dispatched to Eduard Bernstein in Zurich.[half-dozen] The final conclusion of whether to print the book in Stuttgart "nether a false style", hiding Engels's forbidden proper name, or immediately without alteration in a Swiss edition, was deferred past Engels to Bernstein.[vi] The latter form of activity was chosen, with the book finding impress early in October.[2]

His first objective was to merits that matriarchy was based on promiscuity as proved by Bachofen, who really said it was based on monogamy[ commendation needed ].

Editions [edit]

The showtime edition of Der Ursprung der Familie appeared in Zurich in October 1884, with the possibility of German publication forestalled by Bismarck'south Anti-Socialist Constabulary.[two] Two subsequent German editions, each post-obit the first Zurich edition exactly, were published in Stuttgart in 1886 and 1889.[2]

The volume was translated into a number of European languages and published during the decade of the 1880s, including Polish, Romanian, Italian, Danish, and Serbian.[2]

Changes to the text were fabricated by Engels for a quaternary German language edition, published in 1891, with an effort made to comprise contemporary findings in the fields of anthropology and ethnography into the work.[two]

The get-go English language edition did non appear until 1902,[2] when Charles H. Kerr commissioned Ernest Untermann to produce a translation for the "Standard Socialist Series" of popularly priced pocket editions produced by his Charles H. Kerr & Co. of Chicago. The work was extensively reprinted throughout the 20th and into the 21st Centuries and is regarded as one of Engels' seminal works.[ii]

Content [edit]

Evolution of human being order and the family [edit]

The Origin of the Family, Private Belongings and the Land begins with an extensive discussion of Ancient Society which describes the major stages of human development as normally understood in Engels'due south time. It is argued that the beginning domestic establishment in human history was the matrilineal association. Engels here follows Lewis H. Morgan's thesis as outlined in his major book, Ancient Society. Morgan was a pioneering American anthropologist and business lawyer who championed the land rights of Native Americans and became adopted as an honorary member of the Seneca Iroquois tribe. Traditionally, the Iroquois had lived in communal longhouses based on matrilineal descent and matrilocal residence, an system giving women much solidarity and power. Writing shortly afterwards Marx'due south death, Engels stressed the theoretical significance of Morgan'south highlighting of the matrilineal clan:

The rediscovery of the original mother-right gens as the stage preliminary to the father-correct gens of the civilized peoples has the same significance for the history of primitive gild as Darwin's theory of evolution has for biology, and Marx'south theory of surplus value for political economic system.

Engels, Friedrich (1884). "Preface to the Fourth Edition". The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State. New York: Pathfinder Printing. pp. 27–38, the quotation is on p.36.

Archaic communism, co-ordinate to both Morgan and Engels, was based in the matrilineal association where women lived with their classificatory sisters – applying the principle that "my sis'south kid is my child". Because they lived and worked together, women in these communal households felt strong bonds of solidarity with one another, enabling them when necessary to take action against uncooperative males. Engels cites this passage from a letter to Morgan written by a missionary who had lived for many years among the Seneca Iroquois,

Every bit to their family organization, when occupying the sometime long-houses, it is likely that some one association predominated, the women taking in husbands, still, from the other clans; and sometimes, for a novelty, some of their sons bringing in their young wives until they felt brave plenty to exit their mothers. Unremarkably, the female portion ruled the house, and were doubtless clannish enough about it. The stores were held in common; but woe to the luckless husband or lover who was besides shiftless to practice his share of the providing. No matter how many children, or whatever goods he might accept in the house, he might at any time be ordered to pack up his coating and budge; and later on such orders it would non be healthful for him to try to disobey. The house would be too hot for him; and, unless saved by the intercession of some aunt or grandmother, he must retreat to his ain clan; or, equally was frequently done, become and start a new matrimonial brotherhood in some other. The women were the great power amidst the clans, as everywhere else. They did not hesitate, when occasion required, to "knock off the horns", as it was technically called, from the head of a chief, and send him back to the ranks of the warriors. The original nomination of the chiefs as well always rested with them.

Morgan, Lewis H. (1877). Ancient Guild. London: Macmillan. p. 455.

According to Morgan, the ascension of alienable property disempowered women by triggering a switch to patrilocal residence and patrilineal descent:

It thus reversed the position of the wife and mother in the household; she was of a different gens from her children, as well every bit her husband; and nether monogamy was now isolated from her gentile kindred, living in the separate and sectional firm of her husband. Her new condition tended to subvert and destroy that power and influence which descent in the female line and the joint-tenement houses had created.

Morgan, Lewis H. (1881). Houses and house-life of the American Aborigines. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press. p. 128.

Engels added political touch to all this, describing the "overthrow of female parent right" equally "the world-historic defeat of the female sex"; he attributed this defeat to the onset of farming and pastoralism. In reaction, most twentieth-century social anthropologists considered the theory of matrilineal priority untenable,[7] [8]

Engels emphasizes the importance of social relations of power and control over material resources rather than supposed psychological deficiencies of "primitive" people. In the eyes of both Morgan and Engels, terms such as "savagery" and "atrocity" were respectful and honorific, not negative. Engels summarises Morgan'due south 3 principal stages as follows:

Lewis Henry Morgan (1818–1881), whose pioneering anthropological study of Native American peoples was adapted by Frederick Engels in The Origin of the Family unit.

  1. Savagery – the period in which man's cribbing of products in their natural state predominates; the products of human art are chiefly instruments which assist this appropriation.
  2. Atrocity – the menses during which man learns to breed domestic animals and to do agronomics, and acquires methods of increasing the supply of natural products by homo activity.
  3. Civilization – the menstruation in which man learns a more than advanced application of work to the products of nature, the catamenia of industry proper and of art.

In the post-obit chapter on family, Engels tries to connect the transition into these stages with a change in the style that family unit is defined and the rules by which it is governed. Much of this is yet taken from Morgan, although Engels begins to intersperse his own ideas on the function of family into the text. Morgan acknowledges 4 stages in the family.

The consanguine family unit is the start phase of the family and as such a primary indicator of our superior nature in comparison with animals. In this state marriage groups are separated according to generations. The husband and wife human relationship is immediately and communally assumed between the male and female members of one generation. The merely taboo is a sexual human relationship between two generations (i.e. father and daughter, grandmother and grandson).

The punaluan family, the 2nd stage, extends the incest taboo to include sexual intercourse betwixt siblings, including all cousins of the aforementioned generation. This prevents most incestuous relationships. The separation of the patriarchal and matriarchal lines divided a family into gentes. Interbreeding was forbidden inside gens (anthropology), although showtime cousins from separate gentes could however brood.

In the pairing family unit, the commencement indications of pairing are found in families where the married man has ane chief married woman. Inbreeding is practically eradicated by the prevention of a marriage between 2 family members who were even merely remotely related, while relationships also start to approach monogamy. Property and economics begin to play a larger part in the family unit, every bit a pairing family unit had responsibleness for the ownership of specific appurtenances and belongings. Polygamy is still common amidst men, merely no longer amongst women since their fidelity would ensure the child'south legitimacy. Women have a superior role in the family unit equally keepers of the household and guardians of legitimacy. The pairing family is the grade feature of the lower stages of barbarism. However, at this point, when the homo died his inheritance was still given to his gens, rather than to his offspring. Engels refers to this economic advantage for men coupled with the woman's lack of rights to lay merits to possessions for herself or her children (who became hers subsequently a separation) equally the overthrow of mother-correct which was "the world historical defeat of the female sex". For Engels, ownership of belongings created the first pregnant division between men and women in which the adult female was junior.

On the monogamous family unit, Engels writes:

It develops from the pairing family, as we have already shown, during the fourth dimension of transition from the middle to the higher stage of barbarism. Its terminal victory is one of the signs of beginning civilisation. It is founded on male supremacy for the pronounced purpose of breeding children of indisputable paternal lineage. The latter is required, considering these children shall later on on inherit the fortune of their begetter. The monogamous family is distinguished from the pairing family unit by the far greater immovability of wedlock, which can no longer be dissolved at the pleasance of either political party. As a rule, it is merely the man who tin still deliquesce it and cast off his wife.

Engels, Friedrich (1884). "Preface to the 4th Edition". The Origin of the Family, Private Holding and the Land. New York: Pathfinder Press. p. 75.

Family and property [edit]

Engels'southward ideas on the office of property in the creation of the modern family and every bit such modern civilization begin to become more transparent in the latter part of Chapter 2 as he begins to elaborate on the question of the monogamous relationship and the freedom to enter into (or decline) such a relationship. Conservative law dictates the rules for relationships and inheritances. Every bit such, two partners, fifty-fifty when their union is not arranged, will e'er accept the preservation of inheritance in listen and every bit such will never be entirely gratis to choose their partner. Engels argues that a relationship based on property rights and forced monogamy will simply lead to the proliferation of immorality and prostitution.

The merely course, according to Engels, which is complimentary from these restraints of property, and every bit a result from the danger of moral disuse, is the proletariat, every bit they lack the monetary means that are the basis of (likewise as threat to) the bourgeois marriage. Monogamy is therefore guaranteed past the fact that theirs is a voluntary sexual activity-love human relationship.

The social revolution which Engels believed was near to happen would eliminate grade differences, and therefore also the need for prostitution and the enslavement of women. If men needed merely to be concerned with sex-dearest and no longer with belongings and inheritance, then monogamy would come naturally.

Footnotes [edit]

  1. ^ Tatiana Andrushchenko, Prefatory note to The Origin of the Family unit, Individual Property and the State: In the Light of the Researches of Lewis H. Morgan, in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works: Volume 26: Frederick Engels, 1882-89. New York: International Publishers, 1990; pg. 130.
  2. ^ a b c d east f g h i Andruschenko, "Prefatory notation" in Marx-Engels Collected Works, vol. 26, pg. 640.
  3. ^ Frederick Engels, "Author's Preface to the Showtime Edition", in The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the Country. Ernest Untermann, trans. Chicago: Charles H. Kerr & Co., 1902; pg. 9.
  4. ^ Frederick Engels in London to Karl Kautsky in Zurich, April 26, 1884, in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Nerveless Works: Book 47: Engels, 1883-86. New York: International Publishers, 1995; pp. 131-132.
  5. ^ a b c Engels to Kautsky, Apr 26, 1884, pg. 132.
  6. ^ a b Frederick Engels in London to Eduard Bernstein in Zurich, May 22, 1884, in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works: Volume 47: Engels, 1883-86. New York: International Publishers, 1995; pp. 136-137.
  7. ^ Malinowski, B. 1956. Marriage: Past and Nowadays. A contend betwixt Robert Briffault and Bronislaw Malinowski, ed. M. F. Ashley Montagu. Boston: Porter Sargent.
  8. ^ Harris, M. 1969. The Ascension of Anthropological Theory. London: Routledge, p. 305.

External links [edit]

  • The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the Land. Ernest Untermann, trans. Chicago: Charles H. Kerr & Co., 1909. —Identical to 1st English language edition.
  • The Origin of the Family, Individual Property and the State. Alternate translation. New York: International Publishers, n.d. [c. 1933].
  • High german language html version.
  • Soviet written report booklet

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Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Origin_of_the_Family,_Private_Property_and_the_State

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